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Burg POW Camp
28th August 1914 Battle of Heligoland Bight 1914 The First Battle of Heligoland Bight took place on the 28th August 1914 off the northwest German coast. The German High Seas Fleet as a general rule, stayed in safe harbours while the British Grand Fleet remained in the northern North Sea. Both sides undertook long-distance sorties with cruisers and battlecruisers while German destroyers maintained close reconnaissance of the Heligoland Bight. The British planned to ambush some of these destroyers on their regular daily patrols. A fleet of 31 destroyers and two cruisers under Commodore Reginald Tyrwhitt and submarines commanded by Commodore Roger Keyes were dispatched. Backup support at longer range was provided by six light cruisers commanded by William Goodenough and five battlecruisers commanded by Vice Admiral David Beatty.Three German light cruisers and one destroyer were sunk. Three more light cruisers were damaged, 712 sailors killed, 530 injured and 336 taken prisoner. The British suffered one light cruiser and three destroyers damaged, 35 killed and 40 wounded. The battle was regarded as a great victory in Britain with the returning ships met by cheering crowds. The effect upon the German government and in particular the Kaiser was to restrict the freedom of action of the German fleet, instructing it to remain in port and avoid any contact with superior forces.
The battle took place within a month after Britain's declaration of war against Germany on 5 August 1914. Initially, the war on land went badly for the French and her allies, with an urgent need to get all possible troops to France to resist the German advances. The government had nothing but bad news, and looked to the navy, traditionally the mainstay of British military power, to gain some success. British naval tactics typically involved a close blockade of enemy ports and taking the fight to the enemy as was expected by the nation. However, the advent of submarines armed with torpedoes and mines hidden in open seas placed capital ships near enemy ports in great danger. Powered ships needed to keep moving to avoid becoming sitting targets, continuously using fuel and needed to return to home ports every few days to refuel. The German fleet had prepared to counter British blockades by investing heavily in submarines and coastal defences. The German High Seas Fleet was smaller than the British Grand Fleet and could not expect victory in a head to head fight. Instead a strategy of waiting in defended home ports for opportunities to attack the larger British force was adopted. The British chose to adopt a strategy of patrolling the North Sea rather than waters close to Germany. German ships leaving their home ports had to pass via two routes.
Straits of Dover, 20 miles wide defended by British submarines and mines, or the North Sea between Britain and Norway - 200 miles at its narrowest with the British fleet operating from Scapa Flow.
This led to a practical standoff, with both fleets holding the other endlessly waiting. The German ships were unable to attack merchant shipping arriving on the west of Britain, which was vital for British survival. Regular patrols with smaller ships and occasional forays by larger units of the Grand Fleet helped encourage the German fleet to stay at home. The bulk of the British Expeditionary Force was transported to France between 12 and 21 August. This operation was protected from German attack by British destroyers and submarines patrolling Heligoland Bight, which German ships would have to cross. The Grand Fleet was positioned in the centre of the North Sea ready to move south should any German attack commence, but none came. Although the German Army had anticipated a rapid transfer of the British army to aid France, German naval planning thought it would take longer for the British to organise. So they were caught by surprise when it commenced and submarines which might have been used to attack the British transports were away on patrols seeking the main British fleet.
Two British officers put forward a plan to carry the war to the German fleet. A squadron of submarines under the command of Commodore Roger Keyes regularly patrolled the Heligoland Bight and Commodore Reginald Tyrwhitt commanded a destroyer patrol. Both units were operating from Harwich. They observed that German destroyers carried out regular pattern of patrols escorted out to their positions by cruisers each evening and met to escort back to port each morning. Their idea was to send in a superior force during darkness to catch the German destroyers as they returned. Three British submarines would surface in a position to draw the destroyers back out to sea while a larger British force of 31 destroyers accompanied by nine submarines would cut them off from Germany. Other submarines would wait for any larger German ships leaving the Jade estuary to help. Keyes impressed First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill by the daring of his plan, which was adopted with some changes. An attack at 0800 on the German daytime patrol was preferred. Keyes and Tyrwhitt requested support for their operation, both from the Grand Fleet and the squadron of six light cruisers commanded by Commodore William Goodenough. This was turned down by the Chief of Staff — Vice Admiral Doveton Sturdee — who agreed to provide only lighter forces consisting of "Cruiser Force K" under Rear Admiral Gordon Moore (two battlecruisers HMS New Zealand and Invincible) 40 miles to the northwest and "Cruiser Force C" a squadron of five Cressy-class armoured cruisers ( HMS Cressy, Aboukir, Bacchante, Hogue and Euryalus ) 100 miles west. It was decided that the attack would take place on 28 August. The submarines were to leave to take up their positions on 26 August, while Keyes would travel on the destroyer Lurcher. The surface ships would depart at dawn on 27 August. Tyrwhitt — aboard the brand new light cruiser HMS Arethusa — would command the 3rd Flotilla of 16 modern L-class destroyers and his subordinate, Captain Wilfred Blunt — on board the light cruiser HMS Fearless — would command the 1st Flotilla of 16 older destroyers. Arethusa did not arrive until 26 August. Her crew were inexperienced, and it was discovered that her new 4 in (100 mm) Mk V guns jammed when fired. Although the plan had been agreed by the Admiralty, Admiral John Jellicoe commanding the Grand Fleet was not informed until 26 August. Jellicoe immediately requested permission to send reinforcements and to move the fleet closer to the action, but only received permission for the battle cruisers. He sent Vice Admiral David Beatty with the battlecruisers HMS Lion, Queen Mary and Princess Royal, also Goodenough with the 1st Light Cruiser Squadron (HMS Southampton, Birmingham, Falmouth, Liverpool, Lowestoft and Nottingham). He then sailed south from Scapa Flow with the remainder of the fleet. Jellicoe despatched a message advising Tyrwhitt that he should expect reinforcements, but this was delayed at Harwich and never received. Tyrwhitt was unaware of the additional forces until Goodenough's ships appeared out of the mist, almost leading to an attack friend on friend as he was expecting to meet only enemy vessels. Three Groups of British submarines were deployed. E-class submarines HMS E4, E5 and E9 were positioned to attack reinforcing or retreating German vessels. HMS E6, E7 and E8 were positioned on the surface 4 miles further out attempting to entice the German destroyers out to sea. HMS D2 and D8 were stationed off mouth of the river Ems to attack reinforcements from that direction.
At around 0700, Arethusa, steaming south towards the anticipated position of the German ships, sighted a German destroyer, G-194. Accompanying Aethusa were 16 destroyers of the 3rd Flotilla with Fearless leading the 1st Flotilla of 16 destroyers 2 miles behind and Goodenough with his six cruisers a further 8 miles back. Visibility was no more than 3 miles. G-194 immediately turned towards Heligoland, radioing Rear Admiral Leberecht Maass, commander of the German destroyer squadron who in turn informed Rear Admiral Franz Hipper commanding the German battlecruiser squadron. Hipper was unaware of the scale of the attack, but ordered the light cruisers SMS Stettin and Frauenlob to defend the destroyers. Six other light cruisers were ordered to raise steam and join the action as soon as they could. SMS Mainz moored on the river Ems; SMS Strassburg, Cöln, Ariadne, Stralsund and Kolberg from the river Jade, Danzig and München from Brunsbüttelkoog on the river Elbe.
Tyrwhitt ordered four destroyers to attack G-149. The sound of firing alerted the remaining German destroyers, who turned south towards home. However they were sighted by British destroyers who commenced firing. The trailing destroyer V-1 was hit, followed by the destroyer-minesweepers D-8 and T-33. G-9 called for fire against the attacking ships from coastal artillery, but the mist meant the artillery were unable to distinguish friend from foe. At 0726, Tyrwhitt turned east, attempting to follow the sound of gunfire involving his four destroyers. He sighted 10 German destroyers which he chased through increasing mist for 30 minutes until the ships reached Heligoland and he was forced to turn away. At 0758, Stettin and Frauenlob arrived, reversing the situation so that the British destroyers were obliged to retreat toward their own cruisers Arethusa and Fearless. Stettin withdrew, since the German destroyers had now escaped, but Frauenlob was engaged by Arethusa. While Arethusa was theoretically the better armed ship, two of her four 4 in (100 mm) guns were jammed, while another was damaged by fire. Frauenlob — armed with ten 4 in (100 mm) guns — was able to cause considerable damage before a shell from one of Arethusa's two 6 in (150 mm) guns destroyed her bridge, killing 37 men including the captain, and forcing her to withdraw. Although badly damaged, she returned to Wilhelmshaven. At 0812, Tyrwhitt reverted to his original plan, which was an east to west sweep across the area. Six returning German destroyers were sighted but turned to flee. One of them — V187 — turned back as she had seen two cruisers, Nottingham and Lowestoft ahead of her. She hoped to pass through the British destroyers by surprise, but was surrounded by eight destroyers and sunk. As British ships attempted to rescue survivors from the water, the German light cruiser Stettin approached and opened fire, forcing the British to abandon the rescue, leaving behind some British sailors. The British submarine E4 had observed the action and launched a torpedo at Stettin, but missed. Stettin attempted to ram the submarine, which dived to escape. When she resurfaced all the larger ships had gone and the submarine rescued the British crewmen who were still afloat in small boats together with rescued German sailors. The Germans were left behind with a compass and given directions towards the mainland as the submarine was too small to take them.
At 0815, Keyes, with Lurcher and another destroyer, sighted two four-funneled cruisers. He was still unaware of the British reinforcements and assumed they were enemy cruisers. He signalled Invincible that he was chasing two German cruisers. Goodenough received the signal and abandoning his own search for enemy vessels to attack, steamed to assist Keyes against his own ships, Lowestoft and Nottingham. Keyes, seeing he was now being chased by four more enemy cruisers attempted to lead them towards Invincible and New Zealand, reporting them as enemy ships. Eventually, Keyes recognised Southampton, and the ships were able to join Tyrwhitt. However, the danger to Goodenough's ships was not over as the British submarines were still unaware the additional ships were present. At 0930, one of the British submarines attacked Southampton with two torpedoes. Fortunately they missed and in turn escaped when Southampton tried to ram the British submarine. Lowestoft and Nottingham remained out of communication range and, separated from the rest of their squadron, took no further part in the action. Tyrwhitt turned back to assist Keyes on receipt of the signal that he was being chased. He sighted Stettin, but lost her in the mist before coming upon Fearless and her destroyer squadron. Arethusa was badly damaged, so at 1017 Fearless came alongside and both cruisers were stopped for 20 minutes while repairs were made to the boilers.
The cruisers Cöln, Strassburg and Ariadne had sailed from Wilhelmshaven and Mainz was approaching from a different direction. Admiral Maass was still unsure of the nature of the attack, so he dispersed his ships in search of the enemy. Strassburg was first to find Arethusa and attacked her, but was driven off by torpedo attacks from the destroyers. As Tyrwhitt turned to the west, Cöln — with Admiral Maass — approached from the southeast and was also chased away by torpedoes. Tyrwhitt signalled Beatty requesting reinforcements and Goodenough with his remaining four cruisers came to assist. The force turned west. Beatty had been following the events by radio 40 miles to the north west. By 1135, the British ships had still not completed their mission and withdrawn. The rising tide would enable larger German ships to leave harbour and join the battle. He decided to intervene and took his five battlecruisers southeast at maximum speed to within an hour of the action. he advantage of closer proximity of his more powerful ships to rescue the others had to be weighed against the possibility of mischance by torpedo or of meeting German dreadnoughts. At 1130, Tyrwhitt's squadron came upon another German cruiser, Mainz. The ships engaged for 20 minutes, before the arrival of Goodenough caused Mainz to attempt escape. Goodenough gave chase, but in attempting to lose him Mainz came back across the path of Arethusa and her destroyers. Her steering was damaged, causing her to turn back into the path of Goodenough's ships and she was hit by shells and torpedo. At 1220, her captain ordered the crew to abandon ship and scuttled Mainz. Keyes brought Lurcher alongside Mainz to take off the crew. Three British destroyers had been seriously damaged in the engagement. Strassburg and Cöln now attacked together, but the battle was interrupted again by the arrival of Beatty and the battlecruisers.
Strassburg managed to disengage and escape when the battlecruisers approached, but Cöln was not so fortunate. Cut off from escape she was quickly disabled by the much larger guns of the battlecruisers. She was saved from immediate sinking by the sighting of another German light cruiser, SMS Ariadne, to which Beatty gave chase and again quickly overcame. Ariadne was left to sink, which she eventually did at 1500, attended by the German ships Danzig and Stralsund who took off survivors. At 1310, Beatty turned northwest and ordered all the British ships to withdraw since the tide had now risen sufficiently for larger German ships to pass out through the Jade estuary. Passing Cöln again, he opened fire, sinking her. Attempts to rescue the crew were interrupted by the arrival of a submarine. One survivor was rescued by a German ship two days later out of some 250 who had survived the sinking. Rear Admiral Maass perished with his ship. Four German cruisers survived the engagement, which they would not have done except for the mist. Strassburg nearly approached the battlecruisers, but saw them in time and turned away. She had four funnels, like the Town-class British cruisers, which caused sufficient confusion to allow her time to disappear into the mist. The German battlecruisers Moltke and Von der Tann left the Jade at 1410 and began a cautious search for other ships. Rear Admiral Hipper arrived with Seydlitz at 1510, but by then the battle was over.
The battle was a clear British victory. Germany had lost the three light cruisers SMS Mainz, Cöln and Ariadne and the destroyer V-187 sunk; light cruiser Frauenlob had been severely damaged. The light cruisers SMS Strassburg and Stettin had also been damaged. German casualties were 1,242 with 712 men killed, including Rear Admiral Maass, and 336 prisoners of war. The Royal Navy had lost no ships and only 35 men killed, with 40 wounded. The most significant result of the battle was the effect on the attitude of the Kaiser. To preserve his ships the Kaiser determined that the fleet should, "hold itself back and avoid actions which can lead to greater losses".
Churchill after the war observed: "All they saw was that the British did not hesitate to hazard their greatest vessels as well as their light craft in the most daring offensive action and had escaped apparently unscathed. They felt as we should have felt had German destroyers broken into the Solent and their battle cruisers penetrated as far as the Nab. The results of this action were far-reaching. Henceforward, the weight of British Naval prestige lay heavy across all German sea enterprise ... The German Navy was indeed "muzzled". Except for furtive movements by individual submarines and minelayers, not a dog stirred from August till November." But he also observed: "The Germans knew nothing of our defective staff work or the risks we had run."
One of the officers present on Southampton, Lieutenant Stephen King-Halllater wrote about the battle: "As may be deduced from these extracts the staff work was almost criminally negligent and it was a near miracle that we did not sink one or more of our submarines or that one of them did not sink us. Furthermore if anyone had suggested, say in 1917, that our battle-cruisers should rush about without anti-submarine protection and hundreds of miles away from the battle fleet in a mine infested area a few miles from the German battle fleet, he would have been certified on the spot. It was precisely because on paper the presence of the battle-cruisers (unsupported) was absurd that the logical Germans were sitting in Wilhelmshafen unable to move because the tide was too low on the bar of the Jade river! I should like to be able to write that this important hydrographical circumstance was part of the plan, but it was only discovered long afterwards. Nevertheless the strategical and indeed political consequences of this affair were of great importance. The German Navy was manned by a personnel no less courageous and at least as well trained as our own; their ships were superior type for type; their gunnery was more accurate. Yet in the mind of every German seaman was the reflection that they were challenging the might of a navy which, by and large, had dominated the seas for four centuries. The German seaman had a respect and almost traditional veneration for the British Royal Navy and entered the war with an inferiority complex in striking contrast to the superiority complex which the German Army felt towards all other armies. It was therefore a rude shock to the German Navy ... to learn of this audacious manoeuvre and successful engagement literally within sight of the main German base."
Both sides had lessons to learn from the battle. The Germans had assumed that their cruisers, leaving port one by one, would not meet larger ships or major forces. They failed to keep their ships together so they might have better odds in any engagement. Beatty — when faced with the choice of leaving one of his ships to finish off disabled enemies — had elected to keep his squadron together and only later return in force to finish off those ships. Goodenough, on the other hand, had managed to lose track of two cruisers, which therefore played no further part in the battle. German light cruisers armed with larger numbers of faster firing 4 in (100 mm) guns proved inferior to similar British cruisers with fewer but more powerful 6 in (150 mm) guns. However, their ships proved difficult to sink despite severe damage and impressed the British with the quality of their firing. Both British and German sources reported the determination and bravery of the defeated German ships when overwhelmed. No one reported the presence of British cruisers to Admiral Hipper until 1435. Had he known, he could have brought his own battlecruisers to sea faster and consolidated his fleet, possibly preventing the German losses and instead inflicting some on the departing British ships. The British operation had dragged out longer than anticipated so that the large German ships would have had sufficient high water to join the battle. The British side also suffered from poor communications, with ships failing to report engagement with the enemy to each other. The initial failure to include Jellicoe in planning the raid could have led to disaster had he not sent reinforcements, although the subsequent communications failures which meant British ships were unaware of the new arrivals could then have led to British ships attacking each other. There was no way to warn off British submarines which might have targeted their own ships. It had been the decision of Admiral Sturdee — Admiralty chief of staff — not to inform Jellicoe and also not to send additional larger ships which had originally been requested by Keyes. Jellicoe in effect countermanded this decision once he knew of the raid by sending ships which were part of his command. Keyes was disappointed that the opportunity for a greater success had been lost by not including the additional cruisers properly into the plan as he had originally intended. Jellicoe was disturbed by the Admiralty failure to discuss the raid with their commander in chief of the fleet at sea. The Germans appreciated that constant patrols by destroyers was both wasteful of time and resources of those ships, and left them open to attack. Instead, they designed defensive minefields to prevent enemy ships approaching and freed up the destroyers for duties escorting larger ships. In the future, ships were never to be sent out one by one. The British realised it was foolish to have sent Arethusa into battle with inadequate training and jammed guns. British ships were criticised for having fired considerable ammunition and torpedoes with little effect. This criticism later proved counter-productive when at the Battle of Dogger Bank, ships became overly cautious of wasting ammunition and thus missed opportunities to damage enemy vessels.
3rd November 1914 Yarmouth Raid - 3rd Nov 1914 The Raid on Yarmouth, which took place on 3 November 1914, was an attack by the German Navy on the British North Sea port and town of Great Yarmouth. Little damage was done to the town since shells only landed on the beach after German ships laying mines offshore were interrupted by British destroyers. One British submarine was sunk by a mine as it attempted to leave harbour and attack the German ships. One German armoured cruiser was sunk after striking two German mines outside its own home port.
In October 1914, the German Navy was seeking ways to attack the British fleet. The Royal Navy had more ships than Germany, so it was felt inadvisable to enter into any direct fleet to fleet engagement. Instead, the Germans sought ways to attack British ships individually or in small groups. The Kaiser had given orders that no major fleet action was to take place, but small groups of ships might still take part in raids. The raids had several objectives. One was to lay mines which later might sink passing British ships. Another was to pick off any small ships encountered, or to entice larger groups into giving chase and lead them back to where the German High Seas Fleet would be waiting in relatively safe waters near to Germany. A further consideration was that raiding British coastal towns might force the British to alter the disposition of its ships to protect those towns. The British had resolved to keep the greater part of the Grand Fleet together, so it would always have superiority in numbers whenever it engaged the enemy. Germany hoped to make Britain split more ships from the main fleet for coastal defence thus giving Germany more opportunities to catch isolated ships. The Yarmouth raid was carried out by a German battlecruiser squadron commanded by Admiral Franz von Hipper with three battlecruisers (SMS Seydlitz, Von der Tann and Moltke), the slightly smaller armoured cruiser SMS Blücher and the light cruisers SMS Strassburg, Graudenz, Kolberg and Stralsund. On this occasion, mines were to be laid off the coast of Yarmouth and Lowestoft, but the ships were also to shell Yarmouth.
At 1630 on 2 November 1914, the battlecruiser squadron left its home base on the Jade River. Two squadrons of German battleships followed them from harbour slightly later, to lie in wait for any ships which the battlecruisers might be able to entice to chase them back. By midnight, the squadron was sufficiently north to be passing fishing trawlers from various countries. By 0630 on 3 November, the patrol sighted a marker buoy at "Smith's Knoll Watch", allowing them to determine their exact position and close in to Yarmouth. Yarmouth coast was patrolled by the minesweeper HMS Halcyon and the old destroyers HMS Lively and Leopard. Halcyon spotted two cruisers, which she challenged. The response came in the form of shellfire, first small, then from larger calibre guns. Lively, some 2 miles behind, started to make smoke to hide the ships. German shooting was less accurate than it might have been because all the battlecruisers fired upon her at once, making it harder for each ship to tell where their own shells were landing and correct their aim. At 0740, Hipper ceased firing at Lively and instead directed some shells toward Yarmouth, which hit the beach. Once Stralsund had finished laying mines, the ships departed. Halcyon, out of immediate danger, radioed a warning of the presence of German ships. The destroyer HMS Success moved to join Halcyon while three more destroyers in harbour started to raise steam. The submarines HMS E10, D5 and D3, inside the harbour, moved out to join the chase, but D5 struck a newly laid mine and sank. At 0830, Halcyon returned to harbour and provided a report of what had happened. At 0955, Admiral Beatty was ordered south with a British battlecruiser squadron, with squadrons of the Grand Fleet following from Ireland. By then, Hipper was 50 miles away, heading home. German ships returning home waited overnight in Schillig Roads for fog to clear before returning to harbour. In the fog, the armoured cruiser SMS Yorck, which was traveling from the Jade Bay to Wilhelmshaven, went off course and hit two mines. A number of the crew survived by sitting on the wreck of the ship, which had sunk in shallow water, but at least 235 men were killed.
Admiral Hipper was awarded an Iron Cross for the success of the raid, but refused to wear it, feeling little had been accomplished. Although the results were not spectacular, German commanders were heartened by the ease with which Hipper had arrived and departed, with little resistance and were encouraged to try again. In part, the lack of reaction from the British had been due to news received that morning of a much more serious loss at the Battle of Coronel and the fact that Admiral Jellicoe, commander of the Grand Fleet, was on a train returning to his ships at the time of the raid Also, according to First Lord of the Admiralty Winston Churchill, the British could not believe there was nothing more to the raid than briefly shelling Yarmouth and were waiting for something else to happen.
Order of Battle
- Royal Navy
- HMS Halcyon, minesweeper, flagship
- HMS Lively, destroyer
- HMS Leopard, destroyer
- HMS Success, destroyer
- HMS E10, submarine
- HMS D5, submarine
- HMS D3, submarine
- German Navy
- SMS Seydlitz, battlecruiser, flagship
- SMS Von der Tann, battlecruiser
- SMS Moltke, battlecruiser
- SMS Blücher, armoured cruiser
- SMS Strassburg, light cruiser
- SMS Graudenz, light cruiser
- SMS Kolberg, light cruiser
- SMS Stralsund, light cruiser
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Want to know more about Burg POW Camp?There are:2 articles tagged Burg POW Camp available in our LibraryThese include information on officers service records, letters, diaries, personal accounts and information about actions during the Great War.
Those known to have been held in
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Capt. Michael Harrison Royal Irish RegimentCaptain Michael Harrison was a prisoner in Torgau, Burg, Strohen and Magdeburg POW Camps. He was a dedicated escapee making several bids for freedom, finally succeeding when he reached Holland.
Pte. James Ives 17th Btn. London RiflesMy grandfather James Ives was born in 1890 and joined (date unknown) the 17th London Rifles. He was captured in France and became a POW in Frieburg. He managed to survive starvation and returned to London after the war. He very rarely spoke about his experience. He lost his brother Fred John Ives, who is buried in France. The family originated in north Norfolk.Ray Barnard
Cpl. Sidney George Hindom 24th Btn Royal FusiliersSidney Hindom was taken prisoner after being wounded at Gullemont in July or August 1915. He was imprisoned at Hamelburg and repatriated to Holland 13th June 1918. A keen diver, he became the south coast diving champion regularly diving from the top of Thatcher rock off Torquay. He never fully recovered from his wound and he died in Exeter hospital in 1939.Alan Jackson
Pte. John Thomas Noe 9th Battalion East Surrey RegimentA Prisoner Of War From 1915
A prisoner of war from 1915 until that great day The Armistice. Three years and three months. I began to wonder if dear old Blighty really was the place for me. Hoping on day after day, until it got to be year after year, it was anything but a time of pleasure. How often have I sat and thought, amidst my solidarity surroundings, after my unaccustomed hard days work was done, of home and dear ones. How vividly that beautiful picture came before my eyes, but I was all too soon, awakened from my reverie, and then the hoping on.
Looking back to 26th September, 1915 with a chill running through my veins, I recall the night or rather the early evening that I was put out of action. Under heavy shell fire, shrapnel flying all around us, I was very badly wounded and had to remain where I had fallen until five days had elapsed. Thirsty and worn out, in a semi conscious condition, weak through loss of blood and want of nourishment, I was suddenly aroused by being kicked, and not too lightly! Being brought to my senses thus, it all came back to me, the horrors of war. German language I could not understand - I only knew I was in the hands of the enemy. I think I must have lost myself completely for I do not remember them picking me up. I only know I found myself in Lens Cathedral and remained there for one night.
The following day in spite of our wounds we were conveyed in cattle trucks to Germersheim-on Rhine where I remained in hospital until January, 1916. Absolutely a wreck at this time and feeling far from robust in health I was sent to Hammelburg. From here we were sent to various other places. At one time I was working very hard in a stone quarry, at another in a forest felling trees, where, on one occasion, I got injured by a tree falling upon my shoulder and was in very great pain. Then I was transferred to Friesenhausen.
Fresenhausen, a small village in Bavaria, is situated about 300 kilometres from the Swiss frontier. The inhabitants of this village which numbered very few chiefly famers and farm workers. Women as well as children working very hard toiling on from morning till night, religion their one thought, work their only hobby, pleasure they very rarely got.
I was one of many prisoners here, our party consisting of English, French and Belgians. We all had our share of farm work, myself having to plough the fields with a couple of oxen of whom I did not greatly appreciate. Working on and on seeming to reach no end, the idea came to me to make a bid for liberty.
Freedom, what would it mean? Only those who were prisoners of war can perhaps realize what freedom meant. Living under the meanest conditions, insufficient food and working from morning to late at night. I look back and wonder how we could tolerate these conditions for so long. Yes, liberty, freedom, these thought would run through my brain, every moment thinking and trying to plan some way of escape, but I found it to be no easy task. The necessary articles such as a map, compass and food, how were we to procure them?
Watching every opportunity, although feeling our very movements were being watched, our hearts thrilled with the only joy we knew. Listening to the sentry's footsteps was like listening to a sentence of death. Consequences! What would they be? Freedom or capture and perhaps to pay a heavy penalty. Who knew? Never less do-or-die, and still retaining some of our old fighting spriit, we continued to make this bold endeavour to free ourselves from what seemed to be iron bonds or fetters holding us with their grasp. My fellow prisoners, and, I must say, my very good pals, one a Scotsman keen and alert, the other South African full of determination and spirit, reminded me of the gambler's den of Madam Tussauds tableau, as our heads were close together tracing a map trying to find a track across this unknown land, contemplating reaching the Swiss frontier.
Sleeping in the room at an old farmhouse we had many nights of planning and, I must, say, many days working and scheming, hiding and storing food away, chiefly that which had been sent to us from home, preparing for our escapade.
One day, while doing my usual routine of work on the farm, I cut my finger and bandaged it the best way I could with a piece of rag that was not, I am sorry to say, any too clean. I had not been working very long when I noticed someone coming towards me. A young girl of, I suppose 18 or 19 years stood before me, somehow I was rather astounded by her appearance and more astonished to hear her speak in broken English to me. Naturally I became very interested, and, after learning that she had previously to the war, been on a visit to England, and that she loved the English people who had been so good and kind to her, we were conversing very freely.
She seemed very sensible for a girl of her years, and noticing my finger tied up with the very soiled piece of rag immediately removed my clumsy bandage and ties a very dainty handkerchief around my finger. Little did I think what an important part this young Fraulein was to take in our attempted escape, but assistance I must obtain, one day, conversing as usual, I took an opportunity to ask if she possessed a compass. This she soon provided quite secretly, and, supplying her with chocolate that had been sent to me from England, I felt a bargain was indeed made.
Having a compass and necessary tools which we had got from the farm where we were working, and also a fair amount of provisions we thought it quite time to make this big attempt to get back to our allies.
The eventful night came. It is possible to describe our feelings? I think not. Watching and waiting until everything was quiet, we stole to the first door, picking the lock. We had yet another door to open. Should we be successful? Yes, the task was soon accomplished, and stealing from those prison walls, as they appeared to us, we made straight ahead for the most secluded spot we could find.
So the first night passed. Keeping our sprits up, feeling already we were breathing freely as we travelled on our way. Daytime! What would the daylight bring? Would it disclose our identity?
Making our way towards a thickly wooded forest that we could see in the distance, weary and tired through the walking we had done and feeling hungry by now, we all sat down and had a snack from our mean provisions and then our after dinner nap, which I am afraid was with one eye open all the time. Here we stayed in hiding until nightfall when we again started on our way.
Another day hiding. Another day tramping on. Hiding in a forest once more. Getting more accustomed to our lot. Throughly tired we slept more soundly and one day I must have been in a very deep sleep, when suddenly I started to my feet, for some fairly large animal had completely run over my body. I awoke just to see it disappearing through the bushes. It was a nightmare in reality which I shall never forget.
Another day in hiding, we very narrowly escaped being discovered. We heard voices and the tramp of feet quite near to us. Keeping as still as we possibly knew how, not daring to breathe lest these people should find us, they passed just a little more than an arms length from us. Another snack, almost the last we should get, for or food was getting low. Another nap. And so we continued until the fifth day.
Whether we got more daring as the days passed I cannot say but to our great disappointment we were captured near a small village. Not understanding what was being said to us while being arrested, we were put into a stable for the night and the following day were marched, under arrest back to Hammelburg. We were then searched and were deprived of our luxury - our cigarettes.
We were put in a prison cell and the following day were brought before the German authorities, not understanding anything about the proceedings in which were taking place. We were marched back to our cells in ignorance of what the penalty was to be. it was several days before we discovered what our sentence actually was. Our sentence turned out to be fourteen days in a dark cell living on bread and water, our rations consisting of half-a-pound of black bread and a jug of water per day. The dimensions of our dungeon were about 15ft by 12ft. It took just five paces to step from end to end and four paces across. I paced up and down this prison some hundreds of times during my sentence, hungry and weary in thought. I often think that if I had a repetition of these fourteen days I should certainly go mad.
We had no beds of any description, just an empty dark call with only the wooden floor to lie on. Not being provided with sufficient water to wash ourselves, we were indeed feeling very dirty. I can imagine my appearance by my two fellow companions. Not being allowed to shave or to wash was a punishment in itself and the pangs of hunger and the darkness of the cell seem too awful to recall. The only exercise we had was 10 minutes in the morning and 10 minutes during the evening. The first day or two in the cells we slept rather heavily, having had no proper sleep for some time but, as the days passed, our sides were too sore to lie down and we had to get what sleep we could in an upright position.
Our bread and water was brought in the early morning and we have been so hungry we have eaten the whole ration at the one time. On Saturday we had the double ration for Sunday but eagerly devouring it all in the same day, meant starvation on Sunday. The time we did not know, one day seemed endless. All we heard was the changing of the guard and the sentries nerve-racking footsteps. The fourteen days of our punishment at an end, weak and utterly worn out, we were taken back to the camp, being sent from there to resume the farm work again.
And so the time passed until the Armistice was signed. The Armistice was a day of all days, one that every soldier, parent and devoted wife living during that Great War will never forget. While we were overflowing with excitement overseas, so it was with the dear ones who were anxiously awaiting our return. And so the day came and I found "Dear Old Blighty" really was the place for me.
1426 Private J.T. Noe, East Surrey RegimentD J Noe
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